How Commissioning of 3 Frontline Assets Into Navy Sends A Strong Signal In Indo-Pacific | Explained
The commissioning of these warships carries significant implications for the security of vital sea lanes of communication (SLOCs) in the Indian Ocean
For the first time since Independence, an Indian Prime Minister has commissioned three frontline ships into the Navy. Prime Minister Narendra Modi unveiled the guided missile destroyer INS Surat, stealth frigate Nilgiri and diesel-electric submarine INS Vagsheer together worth over Rs 30,000 crore at the Naval dockyard in Mumbai on Wednesday.
It was a moment of tremendous pride not just because the ships were being commissioned into the Navy, but also the fact that all three of them were made in an Indian dockyard, Mazagon Dock Limited (MDL) in Mumbai.
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How does this move adds to India’s maritime capabilities? Let’s find out.
Immediate Neighbourhood: A Nervous Glance
The commissioning of these three warships will not go unnoticed in India’s immediate neighbourhood. For nations bordering the Indian Ocean, particularly those with historical maritime disputes or those increasingly reliant on China’s economic and military might, this development will be viewed with a mixture of apprehension and a grudging respect. The scale of the investment, a substantial Rs 30,000 crore, has a clear message — India is serious about securing its maritime interests.
Think about it, a near simultaneous induction of a destroyer, a frigate, and a submarine – it’s an assertive move. Countries like Sri Lanka, the Maldives, and even Bangladesh, while potentially welcoming India’s commitment to regional security, may also feel a prickle of unease at the demonstrable increase in India’s naval power projection. Especially at a time when Bangladesh and Maldives have recently shown a hostile stance towards India. The very fact that these are indigenously built vessels, adds another layer to this perception, showcasing a growing self-reliance that could alter the regional power balance.
Pakistan, unsurprisingly, will likely view this development with considerable disquiet. The ongoing tensions and historical rivalry between the two nations ensure that any augmentation of India’s military capabilities is scrutinised intensely.
The addition of INS Vagsheer, a ‘hunter-killer’ submarine, directly enhances India’s underwater warfare capabilities, a domain of significant strategic importance in any potential conflict scenario. Given Pakistan’s reliance on maritime trade routes, this expansion of India’s submarine fleet will be perceived as a direct challenge, potentially triggering a renewed naval arms race in the region. It’s a chess move on the high seas, and Pakistan will be forced to respond, further straining already stretched resources and a flailing economy.
China’s Calculated Response
China’s reaction will be the most consequential and multifaceted. On the surface, Beijing’s official pronouncements might downplay the significance of this commissioning, framing it as a routine exercise of sovereign rights. However, beneath the veneer of diplomatic calm, there will be a keen strategic assessment of the implications.
Consider this: China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) has a formidable presence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), with an average of six to seven PLAN ships deployed at any given time. India’s bolstering of its naval fleet directly challenges this presence. The commissioning of the INS Surat, one of the largest and most sophisticated destroyers in the world with 75% indigenous content, sends an unmistakable signal of India’s commitment to its ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ (self-reliant India) initiative in defence manufacturing.
The numerical disparity between the two navies is stark. China possesses over 500 combatants, including 355 major warships. It is an alarming statistic that China has added the equivalent of the Indian Navy’s entire fleet strength to PLAN in just the past decade. Therefore, while these three newly commissioned ships are a significant addition, they are also a necessary step for India to even begin to address this growing gap.
China understands this calculus. Their concern will not just be the immediate increase in India’s firepower, but the trajectory this commissioning represents – a sustained and determined effort to enhance India’s naval capabilities and counter China’s expanding influence in the IOR. Their response is likely to be a measured but persistent increase in their own deployments and influence operations in the region.
The US And Allied Partners: A Welcome Development, but…
For the United States and its allies, particularly within the QUAD grouping (Australia, Japan, and India), this development will be largely viewed as a positive step. These nations share concerns about China’s growing assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific and see India as a crucial counterweight. The commissioning of these advanced warships reinforces India’s role as a net security provider in the region, aligning with the strategic objectives of these partnerships. The INS Nilgiri, a stealth frigate, adds a crucial element of technological sophistication to the Indian fleet, enhancing its ability to operate alongside allied navies in complex maritime environments.
However, this welcome will likely be tempered with a degree of pragmatic caution. While the US and its allies support India’s naval modernisation, they also understand the delicate balance of power in the region. An overly aggressive or unchecked Indian naval buildup could inadvertently escalate tensions or lead to miscalculations. The focus will be on ensuring that India’s growing capabilities are used responsibly and in accordance with international maritime law, particularly concerning freedom of navigation. This increases the likelihood of more complex and frequent joint naval exercises will be a crucial mechanism for enabling interoperability and building trust among these partners.
Freedom of Navigation and Trade: A Renewed Sense of Security?
The commissioning of these warships carries significant implications for the security of vital sea lanes of communication (SLOCs) in the Indian Ocean. A staggering 95% of India’s trade moves through this region, making its security paramount. The presence of a capable and modern Indian Navy acts as a deterrent against potential threats to this trade, be it piracy, state-sponsored disruption, or coercion. The INS Surat, with its advanced weaponry and network-centric capabilities, provides a robust platform for maintaining maritime security and ensuring the free flow of commerce.
Indeed, this commitment reflects a noticeable shift in the Indian Navy’s approach over the recent years. After decades of championing “strategic autonomy," evidenced by a reluctance to formally align with military coalitions, India has subtly but decisively changed tack. The deployment of the INS Talwar to support a US-led maritime coalition in the Arabian Sea last year, marks a significant departure. This wasn’t about seeking the spotlight; it was a quiet demonstration of a changed worldview, a recognition of shared security concerns, particularly those relating to China.
This more assertive posture is particularly evident in India’s escalating anti-piracy operations. India’s unprecedented naval might deployed east of the Red Sea, involving at least a dozen warships investigating hundreds of vessels to combat a resurgence of piracy. This is not merely about protecting India’s own interests. As Foreign Minister Jaishankar articulated, India recognises its responsibility when “bad things are happening in the surrounding country."
India’s deployment of a force comparable to the US-led Operation Prosperity Guardian, operating under its own national authority, is a testament to India’s growing influence and willingness to project power and ensure stability. These actions, involving reconnaissance aircraft and active counter-piracy patrols, have already resulted in thwarting numerous attacks and assisting seafarers, solidifying India’s role as a proactive contributor to international maritime security.
For nations reliant on these SLOCs for their own economic well-being, India’s strengthened naval presence could offer a renewed sense of security. Countries in Southeast Asia and Africa, whose trade routes crisscross the Indian Ocean, will likely view this development as contributing to regional stability. However, it is crucial that India’s actions are perceived as promoting collective security and not as an assertion of unilateral dominance.
The Future Trajectory: More Exercises, Deeper Collaboration?
This commissioning is not an isolated event but part of a larger, ongoing trend of India’s naval modernisation. The anticipated acquisition of 26 Rafale-Maritime strike fighters and three additional Scorpene class submarines from France, indicate a sustained commitment to enhancing maritime capabilities. This points towards a future characterised by increased naval activity in the Indian Ocean, with India playing a more prominent role in multilateral exercises and collaborative security initiatives.
Expect to see more frequent and complex naval exercises involving India and its strategic partners. These exercises will not just be about showcasing firepower but also about enhancing interoperability, sharing intelligence, and building a common understanding of maritime security challenges. The commissioning of these indigenously built warships also underscores India’s growing defence industrial base, potentially paving the way for future collaborations in defence technology and manufacturing with like-minded nations. The message is clear: India is not just building a navy for itself, but positioning itself as a key player in shaping the future maritime security architecture of the Indo-Pacific. This is a long game, and these three warships are significant pieces being strategically placed on the board.
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