Opinion | Decoding NEP 2020: Facts Versus Fearmongering
The vision ingrained in the National Education Policy has absolutely nothing to do with Hindi imposition; instead, it seeks to promote multilingualism without compromising native pride
The National Education Policy, with its provisions of revamping the curriculum structure, assessment criteria and regulations, promises a brand-new approach to teaching and learning.
Research suggests that 85 per cent of the cumulative brain development in a child happens by the age of six. The new 5+3+3+4 formula provides a strong underpinning, with the first five years dedicated to foundational learning, followed by a regularly assessed academic growth through the preparatory, middle and secondary stages. NEP 2020, which came into effect thanks to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s relentless efforts to modernise education, will inspire a shift from rote learning to in-depth understanding.
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The DMK government in Tamil Nadu has been fear-mongering that the three-language formula is a ploy to impose Hindi on the state. Does the NEP impose Hindi? No. So why is the DMK lying so brazenly? Well, Stalin has nothing to show by way of governance. His track record as chief minister has been marked by lawlessness, attack on Sanatana Dharma, and rabid corruption. Worse still, Stalin has pushed Tamil Nadu’s economy over the edge of a cliff, with a debt burden of over Rs 8.3 lakh crore. Inflation in Tamil Nadu has persistently been way above the national average for most part of Stalin’s rule. Opposition to the NEP is the chief minister’s way of polarising the narrative with the North-South debate, for political mileage.
Remember, NEP 2020 has only reintroduced the three-language formula, a concept first introduced in the 1968 NEP. The DMK’s fears to see this as a covert attempt to introduce Hindi through the backdoor are completely unfounded. The earlier NEP advocated for Hindi to be a compulsory language across the nation. Hindi-speaking states were required to teach Hindi, English and a modern Indian language, preferably a south Indian one, while non-Hindi-speaking states were expected to teach the local regional language, Hindi and English.
In contrast, NEP 2020 offers much more leeway, not imposing any specific language on any state. “There will be greater flexibility in the three-language formula, and no language will be imposed on any state. The three languages learned by children will be the choices of states, regions and of course the students themselves, so long as at least two of the three languages are native to India," reads the relevant part of the policy. That is, in addition to the state’s language, children would be required to learn at least one other Indian language, not necessarily Hindi. There is absolutely no imposition of any language on any state or community.
“NEP 2020 upholds linguistic freedom, ensuring students have the autonomy to learn in the language of their choice," said Union education minister Dharmendra Pradhan, commenting on the issue. Private schools attended by the children and grandchildren of DMK leaders follow a tri-lingual policy. Shouldn’t government school students, therefore, have the same opportunities? DMK’s opposition to the NEP is hypocrisy at its worst because while the party allows elite institutions in the state to follow the tri-lingual approach, it opposes NEP, which also has a tri-lingual approach by way of the 3-language formula.
If Stalin is really interested in promoting Tamil, why has the DMK government failed to recruit sufficient regional language teachers in various government-run schools? Why has the DMK not made efforts to introduce or promote south Indian languages in schools in the state?
Beyond the language controversy, Stalin and his party strongly oppose several structural changes proposed in the NEP. Among them is the introduction of common entrance exams for undergraduate admissions which, the DMK fears, will disproportionately disadvantage students from underprivileged backgrounds who do not have access to expensive coaching institutes. This fear is again, baseless. The DMK maintains that its existing education model, which has produced high literacy rates and successful professionals across various industries, does not require a structural overhaul dictated by the NEP. Truth, however, suggests otherwise.
Pradhan emphasises that the NEP is not a rigid mandate but a flexible framework that states can adapt to their regional needs. He points out that several non-BJP States have implemented it despite political differences, arguing that Tamil Nadu’s opposition is political rather than based on educational justification. He adds that the policy aims to provide students with a well-rounded education that balances core knowledge with practical skills, aligning with global standards.
DMK’s resistance is politically motivated, aimed at keeping Stalin’s anti-Hindi, pro-state autonomy narrative alive.
Speaking of Hindi, Article 343 of the Indian Constitution clearly states that Hindi in Devanagari script is the official language of the Indian Union. Yes, the 8th Schedule of the Constitution lists 22 official languages but it is only Hindi which finds a specific mention in Articles 343, 345, 348 and 351 of the Constitution. For instance, Article 351 of the Indian Constitution mandates the Union’s duty to promote the Hindi language, develop it as a medium of expression for India’s composite culture and enrich it without compromising its character. Hindi is part of our Constitution’s larger aim to promote collective identity, national pride and multilingualism but the DMK, driven by visceral hatred for Hindu, has turned it into an acrimonious North versus South debate. Even the Official Languages Act of 1963, Act No. 19 of 1963, provides for the languages used for official purposes of the Union, in Parliament, for Central and State Acts, and in High Courts, ensuring the continuation of English alongside Hindi.
Dr BR Ambedkar had strongly advocated for ‘One State, One Language’ policy for Independent India. He also wanted to make Sanskrit the official language of the Indian Union. He believed that since Indians wish to unite and develop a common culture, it is the bounden duty of all Indians to own up Hindi as their language.
“Any Indian who does not accept this proposal as part and parcel of a linguistic state has no right to be an Indian. He may be a hundred percent Maharashtrian, a hundred percent Tamil or a hundred percent Gujarati, but he cannot be an Indian in the real sense of the word except in a geographical sense," Dr Ambedkar emphatically said. “If my suggestion is not accepted, India will then cease to be India. It will be a collection of nationalities engaged in rivalries and wars against one another," Ambedkar warned.
Coming back to rumour-mongering by the DMK which constantly peddles falsehoods that the Modi government has not done enough for Tamil Nadu. Well, facts tell a completely different story. Be it the 1,302 kilometres of new railway tracks that were commissioned during 2014-2024, the 2,152 kilometres of electrification at the rate of 215 km/annum, the 687 rail flyovers and under-bridges that have been constructed, the Chennai metro rail project phase II that was approved by the Union cabinet as a central government project last year, the over 4,100 km of national highways that have been constructed in Tamil Nadu since 2014, the Salem Airport that was operationalised under regional connectivity scheme (RCS)—UDAN, the Coimbatore and Tiruchirapalli airports covered under Krishi Udan scheme to assist farmers in transporting agricultural products, or for that matter, inauguration of the new Integrated Terminal Building (Phase- 1) of Chennai International Airport, developed at a cost of Rs 1,260 crore, PM Modi has always worked tirelessly for Tamil Nadu and its citizens.
The new terminal is a striking reflection of the local Tamil culture, incorporating traditional features such as the Kolam, saree, temples and other elements that highlight the natural surroundings.
Renovation and modernisation of the Grand Anicut Canal System is underway, which is an important source of irrigation in the delta districts. The modernisation of this canal is to be taken up at a cost of Rs 2,640 crore. In March 2024, PM Modi witnessed initiation of core loading of India’s indigenous prototype fast breeder nuclear reactor of 500 MW capacity at Kalpakkam, Tamil Nadu. In February 2024, Modi inaugurated and laid the foundation stone of multiple development projects worth about Rs 17,300 crore at Thoothukudi, Tamil Nadu, including, foundation stone of Outer Harbor Container Terminal and other projects aimed at making the VO Chidambaranar Port, India’s first Green Hydrogen Hub Port.
Let us now look at some other data which shows how, thanks to Stalin’s parochial and Hindi-phobic policies, Tamil Nadu has suffered.
For instance, UP gets derided as ‘BIMARU’ and backward. In the debate over NEP, it is argued that Tamil Nadu is faring excellently even without NEP. But is any of this even true? ASER’s 2024 survey report finds Stalin’s claims misleading. ASER report says UP has increased its reading and math skills in the last six years. Compared to Tamil Nadu, children in rural UP schools are doing far better at basic math skills. Even in reading skills, rural UP children fare much better than those in Tamil Nadu. So this entire narrative by DMK that the two-language policy has promoted excellence in Tamil Nadu is mere hype and nothing more.
NEP proposes standardised state school exams for grades 3, 5 and 8 and board exams for 10 and 12. Exams to test literacy, numeracy, and foundational skills will be very important. NEP mandates all teachers and principals to take at least 50 hours of continuous professional development workshops each year. This will refine teaching skills and techniques.
PM Modi was closely involved and had thoroughly reviewed the NEP, for which the draft was prepared by a panel of experts led by former Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) chief K Kasturirangan. The NEP aims at making India a global knowledge superpower. Use of schools/school complexes beyond school hours and public library spaces for adult education courses which will be ICT-equipped when possible and for other community engagement and enrichment activities are excellent measures. Wherever possible, the medium of instruction until at least Grade 5, but preferably till Grade 8 and beyond, will be the home language/mother tongue/local language/regional language. Indian Sign Language (ISL) will be standardised across the country and national and state curriculum materials will be developed for use by students with hearing impairment.
Students will be given increased flexibility and choice of subjects to study, particularly in secondary school, including subjects in physical education, the arts and crafts, and vocational skills. There will be no hard separation among ‘curricular’, ‘extracurricular’, or ‘co-curricular’, among ‘arts’, ‘humanities’, and ‘sciences’, or between ‘vocational’ or ‘academic’ streams. Subjects such as physical education, the arts and crafts, and vocational skills, in addition to science, humanities, and mathematics, will be incorporated throughout the school curriculum.
NEP aims at setting up at least one large multidisciplinary institution in or near every district by the year 2030. By 2040, all higher education institutions (HEIs) shall aim to become multidisciplinary institutions, each of which will aim to have 3,000 or more students. NEP will bring a slew of major changes, including allowing top foreign universities to set up campuses to India, a greater proportion of students getting vocational education and a move towards institutes including IITs turning multi-disciplinary.
It would be apt to end with a quote by PM Modi who said: “Till date, we’ve been focusing on ‘What to Think’ in our education policy. In the NEP, we’re focusing on ‘How to Think’."
Education in India is poised at an interesting inflection point. The quality of human capital is the cornerstone of education in any country and drives the spirit of innovation. A well-educated generation with a high literacy rate is equipped to undertake social, economic, and political roles responsibly, with an overarching awareness of burning global issues. This also brings to fore the other contention wherein Tamil Nadu CM Stalin has always been complaining that the Modi government has been unfair to the state, which is actually nothing but a baseless lie.
From popularising the works of Thiruvalluvar at every given opportunity, to hosting the Kashi-Tamil Sangamam at Varanasi every year since 2022 with the sole aim of encouraging Tamil arts, crafts, history and literature, no prime minister in post-Independent India has done as much for promoting Tamil Nadu’s rich heritage as Modi.
In the same vein it can be argued that the vision ingrained in the National Education Policy which promises to make education comprehensive, rewarding and holistic, has absolutely nothing to do with Hindi imposition. All the NEP seeks to do is promote multilingualism, without compromising native pride.
The author is an economist, national spokesperson of BJP and author of the bestselling book ‘The Modi Gambit’. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18’s views.
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