Opinion | Rise Of ‘Aam Mahila’: How PM Modi Transformed ‘Vishwas Ki Dor’ In Delhi
In the 2025 Delhi Assembly elections, PM Modi redefined the notion of ‘constituency’ for women. The BJP was mindful of the women’s vote, recognising it as a key area for voter mobilisation
Shielding the feminine in political reckoning has been one of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s creative continuations in statecraft. In the 2025 Delhi Assembly elections, he redefined the notion of “constituency" for women. The BJP was mindful of the women’s vote, recognising it as a key area for voter mobilisation. Delhi’s women outvoted men, with a turnout of 60.92 per cent compared to 60.21 per cent for men.
Months ahead of the polls, the BJP also noted a significant shift in voter registrations, particularly among women. The Chief Electoral Office received 5.1 lakh new voter applications, two-thirds of which came from women—an “unprecedented" development. The BJP successfully intercepted this assertion of female autonomy, reflected in media and social media interactions as well as the surge in voter registrations in January. With no chief ministerial face, it was Modi all the way.
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The party aggressively pursued engagement with this segment, tapping into a fertile electoral opportunity. The BJP outperformed AAP, winning 48 of the 70 seats, securing the Punjabi, Jat, Purvanchali, and jhuggi vote, even as constituencies dominated by Muslim and Scheduled Caste voters remained beyond its reach.
The first lap of actions and promises
During her first 36 hours as chief minister, Rekha Gupta’s media interactions indicated that her understanding of Delhi’s complexities was not confined to a linear perspective. Her statements suggest that she has identified key deliverables under a time-bound 100-day work target and intends to adopt a systematic approach to her government’s implementation of the Mahila Samriddhi Yojana—an initiative that AAP leader Atishi began taunting her government over on day one.
In her media interactions, Gupta stated that she would prioritise the deprived sections first. She has reportedly outlined her government’s strategy for tackling Delhi’s pollution problem, emphasising a 365-day, time-bound approach that will address four specific aspects: parali (paddy husk) burning, dust, water, and vehicular pollution. Her clear segmentation of these issues underscores a structured approach.
The BJP-led Delhi government under CM Gupta approved the Ayushman Bharat Yojana in its first cabinet meeting and tabled CAG reports in the first Assembly session. These actions signal both readiness and sincerity in acknowledging the complexities of CM Gupta’s mandate—aimed at being both corrective and constructive in the transition from the Aam Aadmi Party to an Aam Mahila CM (pun intended).
The BJP has pledged to provide a Rs 500 subsidy on LPG cylinders for poor women, a free cylinder on Holi and Deepawali for eligible recipients, six nutritional kits, and Rs 21,000 in support for pregnant women. Additionally, the party has promised the implementation of the Ayushman Bharat Yojana with an extra Rs 50,000 in health coverage, a Rs 2,500 pension for senior citizens (aged 60 to 70), and meals at Rs 5 under the Atal Canteen Yojana for slum and cluster residents. Consider the frequency with which these measures, once implemented, would impact a woman’s life and those in her household.
With the exception of some erratic quick fixes and numerous failures in tackling pollution, Delhi’s previous regime lacked this level of sincerity. One of CM Gupta’s boldest statements has been on bureaucratic readiness to work towards Viksit Bharat. The underlying message suggests that she possesses strong collaborative skills and a clear understanding of bureaucratic operations under the previous administration. Noteworthy are her efforts in highlighting the stark contrasts in governance attitudes—what PM Modi himself has referred to as “mentalities" in his campaign speeches.
Erosion of trust
Women’s (vote) autonomy and the difference in “mentalities" were downplayed by politics prior to the BJP’s entry, as its opponents remained obsessively focused on generating sympathy for leaders who were answerable to the public on issues such as the controversial liquor policy, the deteriorating state of roads and water supply, pollution, and inadequate healthcare facilities. However, they were instead consumed by perceived self-serving attitudes. The BJP capitalised on this by positioning itself as the alternative—a platform where voters’ expectations were first acknowledged before being addressed.
A story largely overlooked by the media was the quiet yet strategic groundwork laid by Shikha Rai, who methodically dismantled Aam Aadmi Party leader Saurabh Bhardwaj’s dominance in Greater Kailash by maintaining a consistent on-the-ground presence.
Meanwhile, MP Swati Maliwal’s independent and resolute campaign saw her visiting different parts of Delhi, highlighting the perceived neglect of the Kejriwal-led AAP government through visuals and voter interviews. This effort successfully reinforced the impression that Delhi’s journey towards Viksit Bharat across various parameters would require a change in leadership. Maliwal’s disruptive momentum in the background, combined with the game-changing decisions in the Union Budget presented by Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman—known for substance, sustainability, and surprises—helped reassure voters.
Vikas, Vishwas and Mahila vote
The BJP began addressing women’s expectations in Delhi at a time when disillusionment with AAP was interacting with the perceived disadvantages of re-electing the party. As a result, the BJP and women voters were seen actively mobilising efforts to empower each other. With the increasing perception that the chief minister’s gender resonated with the public, PM Modi has, at last, made Delhi’s Assembly politics more female-oriented. This shift, in turn, is expected to drive Delhi’s development, aligning it with the Centre’s broader vision of Viksit Bharat.
The 2025 Delhi state election has transformed Vishwas ki Dor—PM Modi’s trust-based connection with women. Modi first defined, recognised, and acknowledged this unseen yet deeply felt thread of trust after his victory in the 2019 general election. Having followed the Vishwas ki Dor and Modi’s electoral strategy since 2019, this writer would not hesitate to say that if the 2024 Lok Sabha election tested the durability of this trust—despite the challenges Modi faced, reflections on which have now become possible due to the political shift in the United States—Delhi 2025 has examined, verified, and reaffirmed the resilience and intensity of this women-led bond of trust.
The role of women was central to Modi’s victory once again, three months after the BJP’s success in the Maharashtra and Haryana state assembly elections. However, Delhi presents an intriguing case when viewed over time, reflecting the wear and tear of trust between women voters and two male leaders—one experiencing systematic erosion, the other a steady rise. The city also embodies a conflict between two differently perceived identities of “Dilli" within itself.
In 2015, when Arvind Kejriwal came to power, many Delhi voters embraced the sentiment of having “Modi at the Centre and Kejriwal in Dilli". This phrase became a tagline over two election cycles, symbolising the coexistence of two leaders from different parties and ideologies. Even in the days leading up to the 2025 polls, this writer heard echoes of that sentiment in Delhi. However, these remnants were not strong enough to save AAP from becoming a political embodiment of the widening gap between its words and actions.
Modi described the BJP’s electoral success in his victory speech as: “Dilli ka janadesh vikas ke saath hai aur virasat ki samriddhi ke liye hai" (The mandate is pro-development and for heritage and cultural prosperity). Modi links development to the social, cultural, and economic progress of women, improvements in their households and daily lives, cultural enrichment, and broader aspirations—the core of Vishwas ki Dor and his vision for Viksit Bharat 2047. A Kejriwal-disillusioned Delhi rekindled Modi’s groundwork for an emboldened campaign centred on women, the feminine, and the divine feminine.
In a nation where sacred natural heritage is deeply revered, with rivers worshipped as manifestations of the divine feminine (Brahmaputra being an exception), the preservation of the Yamuna—following the rejuvenation of the Sabarmati, Narmada, and Ganga—has reshaped Narendra Modi’s political messaging and election promises.
This reinforced his narrative that Delhi was lagging behind in India’s broader transformation driven by development and development-centred reforms. Dredging up stories of Delhi’s neglect was not difficult for the BJP and Modi. A cultural and political battle had been brewing throughout AAP’s last tenure, intensified by the aftermath of the Delhi riots, the lingering bitterness of the anti-CAA protests, the struggles faced by Delhiites during the Covid pandemic, Kejriwal’s controversial liquor policy, and widespread dissatisfaction with deteriorating roads, water shortages, and other everyday issues. Public perception further soured over Kejriwal’s opulent official residence, which the BJP strategically branded “Sheesh Mahal". All these components added as change agents eroding the trust of voters in the average household in Delhi.
Advent of corrective politics
Modi took charge of the corrective politics narrative, tapping into the attention span of women as leaders, anchors, and decision-makers in Delhi households. As evident in numerous voices across social media interviews before the polls, women voters were seething at the neglect they faced as homemakers. What worsened the haves-versus-have-nots perception was the extravagant price tags—sofas, curtains, a sauna, jacuzzi, microwave, and other luxuries—linked to the chief minister’s residence, as exposed in the CAG report.
The revelations in the CAG report on the renovation of Kejriwal’s official residence—allegedly exceeding the initial estimated cost by a significant margin—further eroded the AAP’s narrative on governance priorities. At the same time, while Kejriwal had retained power in 2020 partly due to the Mohalla Clinics initiative—particularly in the first year of the pandemic—the BJP intensified its criticism, accusing him of depriving eligible Delhi residents of the benefits of Ayushman Bharat.
Here, the BJP strategically and effectively stacked AAP’s failures—both in preserving the sanctity of the Yamuna and in upholding the dignity of the household. This was particularly evident in jhuggis, where resentment against Kejriwal’s liquor policy helped the BJP secure the women’s vote in its favour.
When words change the winds
The ITO Chowk in Delhi, a key intersection for the city’s heavy movement from East, Central, and South Delhi, presented a defining scene just days before polling. BJP volunteers stationed themselves at various points of the crossing, holding campaign placards announcing the party’s promise of a Rs 2,500 monthly allowance for eligible women voters. This campaign strategy was intriguing—by then, the BJP’s message on the allowance had already been widely disseminated by its star campaigners, including Modi himself. Yet, its foot soldiers were seen reinforcing the message through a highly visible, on-the-ground campaign.
To this writer, the scene was a reaffirmation of the BJP’s commitment to putting all boots on the ground, even in a constituency long associated with Arvind Kejriwal—for reasons both good and controversial. The BJP clearly felt the need to go visual and mobile with this key electoral promise, recognising it as a potential turning point in its efforts to establish deeper trust with women voters.
The party’s electoral success in Maharashtra, where the Ladki Bahin Yojana was a major factor in securing women’s support, was only three months old at this point. Yet, the BJP did not hesitate in aggressively pushing its messaging on the Rs 2,500 scheme in Delhi. This move is best understood as an attempt to outdo AAP’s past welfare initiatives—the free travel scheme in 2020, the Rs 1,000-per-month scheme in Punjab that helped secure a majority in 2022, the Rs 1,100 previously distributed by the AAP government in Delhi, and the financial support for women in Karnataka.
The fine print, however, suggests that the BJP was bound to outdo itself in Delhi, after Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Odisha, as the trust factor between AAP and voters had seemingly corroded, beyond repair, in some aspects.
In several parts of Delhi where this writer spoke to voters, it emerged that while the BJP’s promise of a monthly allowance was noted, many people—especially women voters from diverse backgrounds—were disillusioned with the freebie politics of the past decade. Interestingly, they pointed out that the BJP had been compelled to offer a higher allowance than AAP to defeat it, but they saw this as a consequence of bad politics on Kejriwal and his party’s part.
Their responses were striking. One voter remarked, “The state of Delhi has deteriorated because of freebie politics." Another added, “Only the BJP can now undo this decline with its intent to serve the people." Others were blunt: “Kejriwal and AAP did not care for women voters, just as they did not care for Delhi." Another perspective was, “The BJP is doing well in serving women voters in states it governs. Voters in Delhi are beginning to understand the difference."
One sentiment that cut across regional backgrounds was the state of the Yamuna. “The concern for the Yamuna is not limited to women from Purvanchal living in Delhi," one voter observed, emphasising that the river’s neglect was an issue affecting women across communities. In Anand Vihar, an autorickshaw driver with Purvanchali roots confidently told this writer, “Women alone will defeat Kejriwal. They are tired of freebie promises and want a leader who will actually work to stop Delhi’s decline."
The fluid strength of women’s influence in this election was evident not only in how they outvoted men but also in how their trust in Modi solidified over a decade of Kejriwal’s tenure—built entirely on Modi’s governance at the Centre, India’s developmental leap, and the infrastructural and cultural successes in BJP-ruled states.
For Delhi 2025, Modi cupped out Delhi from an era best known for persistent confrontation with the Centre, carefully and successfully captioning the 2025 assembly elections as a milestone in Viksit Bharat ki Yatra, the momentum of which runs through the Vishwas ki Dor and the aam mahila CM leading it. Time for delivery.
Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18’s views.
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